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香港民研發放反對修訂逃犯條例民間民情報告(2019-12-13)

PORI releases People’s Public Sentiment Report on Anti-Extradition Bill Movement (2019-12-13)

香港民研發放反對修訂逃犯條例民間民情報告

 

為了更透徹地理解「逃犯條例修訂」爭議的前因後果及準確記錄民情變化,公民實踐培育基金於2019年7月委託香港民意研究所(“香港民研”)編撰《反對修訂逃犯條例民間民情報告》,完整報告可於香港民研網站 (https://www.pori.hk/reports/anti-extradition-bill-movement-2019)下載。

《反對修訂逃犯條例民間民情報告》的相關研究共分三個階段:第一階段屬於全港性電話調查,於7月底成功訪問了1,007名14歲或以上操粵語的香港居民,並已於8月2日公布有關結果。電話調查的範圍包括:修訂「逃犯條例修訂」的支持度、評價造成現時管治危機的最重要因素、警隊整體表現的滿意度、對示威者使用武力的接受程度、政府應如何回應示威者訴求的看法以及探討青年人不滿的原因。第二階段是青年意見跟進研究,探討他們在參與反修例運動的原因、想法和訴求,香港民研分別於2019年8月14和15日舉行了兩場焦點小組及於8月24日舉行了一場青年慎思會議,分別有20和98位年青人參與。研究結果已於9月12日公布。最後階段是撰寫本民情報告,從四個角度紀錄民情,包括「民意調查」、「遊行集會」、「傳統媒體」和「新興媒體」。

香港民研主席鍾庭耀,在今日發表民情報告時,重點強調了報告中以下幾點:

  • 從一個小錯誤開始,反修例運動逐漸發展成反行政長官兼反警察兼反極權的運動。整個政府陷入了前所未有的管治危機,最終會否演變成一場反京兼反共運動,仍是未知之數。
  • 林鄭月娥顯然誤解了通過《逃犯條例》的象徵意義,以及香港人要求她撤回該條例和調查警方暴力行為的含義。對於香港市民而言,是次運動的主因,是捍衛香港核心價值──自由,免令其逐漸被侵犯和受侵蝕。
  • 大多數香港人實際上並不關心銅鑼灣書店出售什麼書籍,法輪功是否是邪教,以及「一地兩檢」安排是否關乎民族自尊,大多數香港人只是想過自由的生活,如果他們犯了罪,便要接受公平公開的審判。
  • 現代歷史的教訓是自由和法治只有在民主制度下才能得到最好的保障。因此,隨著運動的推進,人們的訴求逐漸轉為對普選的追求。
  • 基於共產政權的本質,中國領導人可能很難解決共產主義對比資本主義、威權管治對比平等主義、自由對比責任、統一性對比多樣性,以及人本主義對比愛國主義的困境。
  • 香港的反修例運動,並非純粹是香港人反對修訂條例或者抗議本地政府、警察或者任何政權的活動,它是自由主義對比威權管治的一次角力。從 1919 至 1949 至 1989 至 2019 ,中國和香港的歷史都不時出現驚嘆和停滯。香港經驗將會為未來世界提供重要的參考。

PORI releases People’s Public Sentiment Report on Anti-Extradition Bill Movement

In July 2019, Project Citizens Foundation (PCF) commissioned the Hong Kong Public Opinion Research Institute (PORI) to compile the “Anti-Extradition Bill Movement People’s Public Sentiment Report” to study and document the causes and effects of the movement, and the course of public sentiment development during the movement. The report can now be downloaded at PORI’s website (https://www.pori.hk/reports/anti-extradition-bill-movement-2019).

Studies related to the Public Sentiment Report comprised three stages: The first stage was a territory-wide random telephone survey conducted in late July interviewing 1,007 Cantonese-speaking Hong Kong people of age 14 years or above, and the results were published on August 2. Questions covered included people’s support of the Extradition Bill, factors contributing to the governance crisis, satisfaction with the police, tolerance with violence demonstrated by protesters, how the government should respond to the protesters’ demands, as well as people’s views on the mentality of the youths. In the second stage, follow-up studies on youths were conducted in the form of two focus groups held on August 14 and 15, and one deliberative meeting held on August 24, capturing 20 and 98 young participants respectively. The results of the follow-up study were announced on September 12. In this final stage of compiling the final report, public sentiment was documented from four angles: that of public opinion polling, marches and processions, traditional media and the new media.


When releasing the Public Sentiment Report today, Robert Chung the President of HKPORI emphasized the following points abstracted from the report:

  • Starting from a small mistake, the Anti-Extradition Bill Movement has gradually developed into an anti-CE cum anti-police cum anti-authoritarian movement. The entire government has sunk into a governance crisis never seen before, and whether it will develop into an anti-Beijing cum anti-communist movement is yet to be seen.
  • Carrie Lam has clearly misunderstood symbolic meaning of passing the Extradition Bill, and Hong Kong people’s subsequent demands on her to withdraw the Bill and to investigate the police violence. To the people of Hong Kong, the issue at stake is the gradual encroachment and erosion of Hong Kong’s core-of-the-core value – freedom.
  • Most Hong Kong people actually do not care too much about what books were being sold at the Causeway Bay Books, whether Falun Gong is a subversive religion or not, and whether the co-location arrangement is a national pride or not, most Hong Kong people just want to live freely and if they have committed an offense, be trialed fairly and openly.

  • The lesson of modern history is that freedom and rule of law are best guaranteed under democratic institutions. Therefore, as the movement continued, people’s demand gradually shifted to the pursuit of universal suffrage.
  • Due to the nature of the communist regime itself, Chinese leaders may find it difficult to resolve the dilemmas of communism versus capitalism, paternalism versus egalitarianism, liberty versus responsibility, unity versus diversity, and humanism versus patriotism.

  • The Anti-Extradition Bill Movement in Hong Kong is not simply a movement of Hong Kong people protesting against a specific bill or against a local government, its police force, or even against a regime, it is a clash between liberalism versus paternalism. From 1919 to 1949 to 1989 to 2019, the history of China and Hong Kong has been punctuated by exclamation marks each followed by a semi-colon. The Hong Kong experience will provide an important reference on the future development of the world.

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